Wednesday, November 6, 2024

What Trump's victory means for climate

From oil to EVs |

Donald Trump has been elected the 47th president of the United States, pulling off a stunning political comeback in one of the most polarized contests for the White House in US history. You can read Bloomberg's continuing coverage here

Trump's second term will have a dramatic impact on the planet — from the energy transition to curbing global warming. Read more below and follow the latest online

What a Trump victory means for energy

By Jennifer A Dlouhy and Ari Natter

Donald Trump's victory promises to shake up US energy and environmental policy, with sweeping implications for oil production, offshore wind development and electric vehicle sales.

The win empowers him to deliver on his campaign pledges to go after climate policies he's dubbed the "green new scam" while reorienting the federal government toward pumping more crude and building more power plants. Though some efforts would face long odds on Capitol Hill – where many of Trump's fellow Republicans would oppose a wholesale repeal of the Inflation Reduction Act's energy and manufacturing tax credits – Trump can use his executive authority to put other changes in motion. Oil and gas companies are set to be prime beneficiaries.

"You are looking at, overall, a 'drill baby drill' philosophy," said Dan Eberhart, chief executive officer of oilfield services company Canary LLC. "You are going to see offshore lease sales, you are going to see pipelines move much quicker, you are going to see fracking on federal lands and a mindset that is focused on lowering energy costs for consumers."

Here are some of the expected changes:

EVs

Trump has repeatedly promised to end a suite of federal policies that encourage EV sales, and his victory creates an opening for changes as soon as Day One.

A top target is an Environmental Protection Agency regulation limiting tailpipe pollution from cars and light trucks, which has mandates so strict it compels automakers to sell far more electric and plug-in hybrid models over time. Former Trump advisers and energy lobbyists have already drafted language that could be put in an executive order directing the EPA to revisit the rule. A similar effort is being developed to go after Clean Air Act waivers that effectively green light California's strict car pollution rules.

Oil-refining advocates also are lobbying for swift changes to limit which EVs qualify for tax credits under current Treasury Department policies. That presages a revamp of a policy, derided as the "leasing loophole," which exempts leased EVs in commercial fleets from restrictions on where the cars are made, the source of their battery materials and how much money consumers make.

A Wallbox electric vehicle charger at a Volvo dealership in New York on Jan. 30. Photographer: Bing Guan/Bloomberg

Oil and Gas

Trump promised to "unleash American energy" and said he has plans to "free up the vast stores of liquid gold on America's public land for energy development."

That signals a sharp pivot from President Joe Biden's policies curtailing fossil-fuel extraction on public lands and waters. Under Biden, the US developed the smallest-ever plan for selling offshore oil and gas leases, with just three auctions scheduled over five years. The Biden administration also imposed a regulation thwarting drilling across more than half of the National Petroleum Reserve in Alaska.

Trump can direct his Interior Department to revise those policies right away, though it could take as long as two years for the agency to finish necessary environmental reviews and clear other procedural requirements before it could impose a new, more robust schedule for selling offshore drilling rights.

Changes in the governance of the Alaska reserve could be especially significant for oil companies with holdings or interests there, including ConocoPhillips, Santos Ltd., Repsol SA and Armstrong Oil & Gas Inc.

LNG Exports

A Biden administration moratorium on new permits to widely export liquefied natural gas is all but out the window thanks to Trump's victory.

Related: A $290 Billion Investment Cements Gas's Relevance for Decades

Trump has promised to end that permitting pause his "very first day back." That could take the form of an executive order directing the Energy Department to resume its review of applications to export natural gas to key Asian nations and other countries that aren't free-trade partners with the US.

Potential beneficiaries include Venture Global LNG Inc., Energy Transfer LP and Commonwealth LNG, which have projects pending before the agency.

Offshore Wind

Trump hasn't spelled out exactly how he'll address the nascent offshore wind industry, as developers work to install turbines at multi-billion-dollar wind farms up and down the US East Coast.

But Trump has been relentlessly critical of the potential impacts on birds and whales, and he used a New Jersey rally earlier this year to vow "day one" action targeting the industry. That could take the form of ordering the Interior Department pause permitting new projects or selling new offshore wind leases. Such a moratorium could be imposed administratively and would be difficult to challenge in court.

Read more: These Three Big Energy Projects Hang in the Balance After Nov. 5

Wind energy advocates have been bracing for this election outcome and are planning to enlist Republican allies — including lawmakers whose districts have seen economic dividends from shipbuilding and steelmaking — in making the case for continued support.

Wind turbine foundation components at the Revolution Wind construction hub at the Port of Providence in Providence, Rhode Island on June 13. Photographer: Adam Glanzman/Bloomberg

Clean Energy Tax Credits

Trump's victory creates new uncertainty for billions of dollars of clean energy tax credits. Congress isn't likely to claw back all unspent funding from Biden's signature climate law, nor repeal all of the IRA's energy and manufacturing tax credits. But lawmakers from both parties could target some of the law's incentives for phase-downs and scale-backs as a way to help pay for the cost of extending the 2017 Trump-era tax cuts that expire next year.

Under Trump, the Treasury Department is expected to rewrite rules governing which projects and companies are eligible for credits so they are harder to obtain — or more beneficial to fossil fuels. A tax credit that rewards the production of so-called green hydrogen is especially ripe for such a change, after years of lobbying by oil companies and other would-be developers seeking more flexibility in how they make the clean-burning fuel.

US manufacturing allies already have developed plans that a Trump Treasury Department could use to bar companies with ties to China from claiming the IRA's energy manufacturing tax credits.

High-Tech Loans

Trump's victory puts a clean-tech green bank at the Energy Department in serious jeopardy.

He proposed killing the so-called Loan Programs Office during his first term in the White House, arguing the government had no business picking winners and losers. And Congressional Republicans have a long history going after the program, deriding its performance partly based on a half-billion-dollar loan to Solyndra two years before the solar panel maker went bankrupt. Now, the office is flush with hundreds of billions of dollars in loan-backing authority thanks to the IRA, making it an even bigger target.

Trump will be under dueling pressure to either kill off the program, ending a major source of support for green-technology commercialization, or to keep it running, just with a decidedly pro-fossil-fuel bent. Advocates of the latter approach say the office has made billions of dollars in interest for the federal government and that its support can be used to back natural gas, carbon capture and nuclear energy ventures.

Power Plants

The president-elect has repeatedly vowed to "terminate" a suite of EPA rules that stifle power-plant pollution and encourage the closure of units generating electricity from coal, arguing that surging demand from artificial intelligence and manufacturing means the US needs to be building more of the units, not shutting them down.

Thanks to AI, we'll "need twice the amount of electricity currently supplied for everything to the entire United States of America," Trump said in an August news conference.

A 2024 rule that limits emissions from the nation's existing coal plants and new gas-fired units will be a top focus. Utilities, electric cooperatives and some states are already challenging the measure in federal court, potentially providing an easier opening for the EPA to begin rewriting the regulation in ways that prolong the lifespan of some coal plants.

The agency also is expected to hit the pause button on its work developing new greenhouse gas emission limits for existing gas-fired power plants.

Read this story on Bloomberg.com. For unlimited access to climate news and data, please subscribe

The biggest vulnerability 

$200 billion+
That's how much is uncommitted from the Energy Department's Loan Programs Office, according to BloombergNEF. The LPO has flourished under President Biden in lending to carbon-cutting technologies. Any money that hasn't been deployed will be vulnerable given the lending effort's unpopularity with Republicans. It could even go to fossil fuel.

Time to lawyer up

"We'd encourage all ESG fund managers to have a lawyer on the team, or on speed-dial. Antitrust risk remains high for asset managers in ESG; there haven't been any cases yet, thus there is no legal precedent. Further, legal risks regarding fiduciary duty will stay relevant as states enforce anti-ESG laws."
Aniket Shah
Analyst at Jefferies Financial Group Inc.
Donald Trump's return to the White House threatens to turbo-charge a years-long GOP assault on environmental, social and governance investing strategies, analysts from Jefferies Financial Group Inc. wrote in a note to clients on Wednesday.

Code red for global climate 

Trump promised in his first term to be beholden to Pittsburgh, not Paris, when he set about extricating the US from the landmark global climate accord signed by virtually every nation in Paris in 2015. Trump 2.0 could go even further, making good on his vow to abandon the Paris Agreement while also pulling out of the 32-year-old UN Framework Convention on Climate Change that underpins the entire structure of international cooperation against warming temperatures.

There would be far-reaching and enduring impacts, potentially sidelining the US in climate talks for years to come, since the Senate might have to ratify the UNFCCC again in order for the nation to rejoin the treaty. But the change wouldn't be immediate. To abandon the Paris Agreement or the UNFCCC, countries must provide formal notice to the United Nations and then wait a year.

Even before it's official, however, a retreat by the world's second-biggest greenhouse gas emitter from global climate talks could provide cover for both developing and oil-exporting nations seeking to water down emission-cutting targets. And the knock-on impacts could extend to other multilateral bodies. The US could push for a Group of Seven communique supporting natural gas while fighting off promises to curtail support for coal, sidelining another crucial venue for climate cooperation.

Illustration by Sean Dong

Read our full guide to what a second Trump White House can — and can't — do to the American effort to slow global warming.

Is there a Plan B?

Secret talks have already been taking place to keep global cooperation on climate alive under Trump. Officials from Maryland and California have met with Chinese officials to discuss continued climate collaboration at the subnational level, allowing state and local governments to pick up any slack. Some state representatives were part of meetings in Beijing in September while the chief US climate negotiator, John Podesta, engaged in talks with his Chinese counterpart.

Officials also are preparing to use alternative groups to keep pursuing action, in a replay of the strategy deployed in 2017 when then-President Trump stopped hosting an established forum for leaders of major economies to discuss energy and climate. In response, countries kicked off a separate annual meeting that continues to this day.

Some climate negotiators even conducted simulations to prepare for a possible Trump return and to game out strategies for how that would affect talks at the COP29 conference. Weeks ago activists ran through a crisis communications simulation to ensure they were prepared for what an online notice called "the possible looming reality of a Trump election win and its impact on the COP29 climate talks." Read the full story here

A delegate cleans an illuminated globe hanging in the US pavilion at the COP21 summit in Paris in 2015. Photographer: Chris Ratcliffe/Bloomberg

What's happening now?

Activists who dispute the severity of human-caused climate change are quietly preparing to seize their moment during Donald Trump's second term.

Pushed to the political fringes during Joe Biden's presidency, they are now laying the groundwork to bring back coal-fired power plants, gut science at the Environmental Protection Agency and neuter the modeling used in the federal government's national climate assessment and other reports.

"Everything Biden did will be looked at. The question is: Is there enough time in the the day over the next four years?" said Steve Milloy, who formerly advised Trump's EPA transition team and who serves on the board of directors of the Heartland Institute, a free-market think tank that has espoused the benefits of a warming climate. "How much can you get rid of?" Read the full story here

Homes in front of the John E. Amos coal-fired power plant in Poca, West Virginia, on Feb. 11, 2022.  Photographer: Dane Rhys/Bloomberg

Coming up

Against the backdrop of the United Nations Climate Change Conference, Bloomberg Green convenes the foremost leaders in business, finance, policy, academia and NGOs for candid conversations focused on COP29's core goals. Join us in Baku, Azerbaijan, on Nov. 13. Learn more.

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