Monday, November 18, 2024

Chicken economics matter

And what that has to do with RFK Jr.

Poultry is on our minds this week. Businessweek's food columnist, Deena Shanker, writes about what the nominee for secretary of health and human services can do to regulate the food industry, among other changes aimed at improving Americans' health. And Odd Lots is making a whole mini-series about the mighty chicken. Plus: the difficult math ahead for Donald Trump to fulfill his promises, and what tech billionaires get wrong about the "Gell-Mann Amnesia effect."  If this email was forwarded to you, click here to sign up.

You can learn a lot from the economics of poultry. First, let's look at a chicken fight from a few years back. As Bloomberg's Deena Shanker writes in today's Extra Salt column, President Barack Obama took a big swing at helping chicken farmers who were battling the big companies that controlled the industry. Obama wanted to make rules so it would be easier for the farmers to sue and to change the way they were paid. But then Donald Trump took over the White House:

Obama left office before they were finalized, but farmers thought Trump would take their side. "Big Meat doesn't want it to happen," a former poultry farmer who wanted the rules but voted for Trump told me in January that year. "People down here are expecting Trump to pull it off," she said.

He didn't. That October his US Department of Agriculture took industry's side and killed the Obama rules, putting another nail in the coffin of his presidency's half-hearted attempts to capitalize on a growing movement of Americans who wanted to change the way the country's food is produced.

Trump has pledged that Robert F. Kennedy Jr. will end the control of the "industrial food complex." Photographer: Chip Somodevilla/Getty Images

This might be a warning to those who hope that Trump's pick to run the Department of Health and Human Services, Robert F. Kennedy Jr., will fulfill the promise of his slogan to "Make America Healthy Again." Shanker writes:

If approved by the Senate, Kennedy would oversee agencies including the Food and Drug Administration to the Centers for Disease Control and Prevention. While his most dangerous views, such as opposition to vaccines and fluoridated water, have gotten the most attention, his plans for reforming the food system, according to what he's said during the campaign, are as ambitious as Trump describes them. He wants to get ultraprocessed foods out of schools, artificial dyes out of cereals and pesticides out of agriculture. He's advocating for the kind of changes that usually come from the left. That's less surprising when you realize Kennedy was once not just a Democrat but also an environmental lawyer who sued Monsanto Co.

You'll have to read the whole column to see whether these promises are even remotely possible.

Second, let's go over to the podcast Odd Lots, where Joe Weisenthal and Tracy Alloway are taking a different look at why chickens matter—as a "perfect prism" to examine macroeconomic trends. Alloway writes:

We know, for instance, that food prices have been a huge part of the inflation story, with the cost of eggs even becoming a political talking point in the recent election. So how much of that price rise was about supply versus demand? How do companies decide to price stuff like an egg or a chicken wing anyway? And what can it all tell us about how inflation actually works?

There's also a big labor story to tell here. Chicken production has a kind of idiosyncratic labor market, with big poultry producers like Tyson and Perdue outsourcing a lot of chicken growing to independent contractors. But that model has become more and more common in agriculture—and beyond. Today, we're used to talking about companies like Uber pioneering the whole "big intermediary with a network of independent contractors" thing, but chicken was there before!

To tell this story, Odd Lots has produced a special three-part series called Beak Capitalism. Listen to the first episode here. Between the cost of eggs (a perennial issue, as readers of this newsletter know) and the MAHA movement, expect to see chickens in the news often in the next few months. Except for that one day when another bird gets its wings—Thanksgiving, of course, is almost upon us.

In Brief

New Cover Story: Trump's Return

Photo illustration: Trevor Davis for Bloomberg Businessweek; Photos: Redux, Getty Images, AP Images, Bloomberg

The big surprise on election night was that a presidential race billed for months as being neck and neck didn't turn out to be very close at all. In the end, Donald Trump swept all seven swing states. He improved on his 2020 vote share nearly everywhere on the map. And he made significant gains with working-class Latino and Black voters, putting together the most diverse Republican coalition since the Civil Rights Movement, even as his campaign eagerly trotted out billionaire supporters such as Elon Musk and Howard Lutnick at rallies.

Now that he's headed back to the White House, Trump has the tough task of keeping this sprawling coalition intact. As a candidate, he promised something for everyone. He'd extend his 2017 tax cuts, beloved by the wealthy and Wall Street (price tag: $4.6 trillion); remove taxes on tipped wages for service workers ($250 billion); increase the child tax credit from $2,000 to $5,000 to shore up family budgets ($3 trillion); and eliminate taxes on Social Security benefits to give seniors a boost ($1.8 trillion). But Republicans can't possibly deliver all this, or even most of it, despite having full control of Washington.

This speaks to the central tension of Trump's second presidency: whether he can satisfy his cohort of billionaire backers and Wall Street allies while also delivering for the multiracial working-class voters who put him back in the White House. Those voters could easily turn on Republicans if Trump's plutocratic populism doesn't do a better job of improving their lives than Joe Biden and Kamala Harris did. "It's the same problem that accompanies every governing majority," says Dan Geldon, chief of staff for Elizabeth Warren's 2020 presidential campaign. "How do you manage the strains in your coalition without creating a backlash?"

Joshua Green writes about the difficulties ahead for the new administration: Trump's Impossible Task: Delivering for the Working Class and Billionaires

Elon Musk, Michael Crichton, Fact and Fiction

Photo illustration: 731; Photos: Getty Images (2)/Moviepix

This past summer, venture capitalist Vinod Khosla started clashing online with Elon Musk over Musk's support for Donald Trump. The two tech billionaires argued about immigration, climate policy and MAGA values before their debating devolved into name-calling. But there was one area they appeared to find common ground on: a decades-old media critique by Jurassic Park author Michael Crichton.

"How many times have you read something in the media where you know the real story, but what they printed was diabolically false?" Musk asked on X, suggesting that press depictions of Trump were deceitful. "Agree on not trusting media," Khosla replied. Hammering his point home, Musk posted a screenshot from Wikipedia about Crichton's "Gell-Mann Amnesia effect."

Crichton coined the term in a 2002 talk at a think tank. He defined it as the sensation of reading a newspaper story in your field of expertise and finding it littered with errors, then flipping the page and taking for granted that the next article, on a subject you don't know much about, got things right. "In ordinary life, if somebody consistently exaggerates or lies to you, you soon discount everything they say," Crichton said. "But when it comes to the media, we believe against evidence that it is probably worth our time to read other parts of the paper. When, in fact, it almost certainly isn't. The only possible explanation for our behavior is amnesia."

Even as the technology industry splinters politically, Crichton's theory remains a bipartisan catchphrase, a default response to just about any piece of commentary that Muskies or their left-leaning counterparts disagree with or question. It's also now a knee-jerk reaction from top tech founders, executives, investors and analysts to any skepticism from outside their bubbles.

Austin Carr writes about the phenomenon and why Crichton would disagree with his new fans: Why Tech Billionaires Love the Author of Jurassic Park

Buy High

$4.6 billion
That's how much Bitcoin enterprise software maker MicroStrategy bought in the past week, its largest purchase yet. It now holds more than $29 billion in Bitcoin.

Emboldened in Argentina

"Back then, this was a dream scenario. It was unthinkable."
Miguel Kiguel
Economist and former undersecretary of finance in Argentina
Almost one year into his term, Javier Milei is, to the shock of Argentine pundits, having a moment. Read the full story here.

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