Tuesday, April 30, 2024

Déjà vu at Columbia

University repeats the mistakes of 1968

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I've been watching the events at Columbia University the past few weeks with a sense of déjà vu. I was the editor of the student newspaper, the Columbia Daily Spectator, in the spring of 1968. Fifty-six years ago, on April 30, the administration there called in the New York Police Department to break up a student protest that had shut down the campus.

That only made things worse. More than 700 students were arrested, dozens were injured, and many more were radicalized by the display of excessive police force. Another building was occupied, the rest of the spring term was canceled, and the university president at the time, Grayson Kirk, was forced to resign.

Now we're seeing the same counterproductive playbook dusted off: the suspension of student groups, the outlawing of campus protests, the police called on campus to make arrests. On Monday, tensions escalated as the university began suspending students who refused to leave a tent encampment on South Lawn and, early Tuesday morning, some protesters occupied a classroom building.

Pro-Palestinian demonstrators at the South Lawn encampment at Columbia last week. Photographer: Stephanie Keith/Bloomberg

There are differences, of course. Then, it was Vietnam; now it's Gaza. Then, five buildings were occupied; now, protesters focused on a tent encampment before moving indoors. Then, the president was an out-of-touch establishment figurehead; now, she's the first woman to lead the university. Then, some students were accused of being left-wing fanatics; now some are being called antisemitic.

But it's the similarities that are most striking. Once again, students are speaking out against what they see as a grave injustice–in this case, the deaths of more than 30,000 Palestinians as Israel wages a war against Hamas. Once again, a protest that began at Columbia is sparking a national movement. And once again, the administration is flailing.

I spent a mostly sleepless week that April in 1968 reporting and writing about what was going on in the occupied buildings, watching as university administrators issued ultimatums and faculty members tried in vain to negotiate a settlement. Outside Low Library, where protesters were camped out in the president's office, a group of students who called themselves the Majority Coalition stood shoulder to shoulder to block food from entering the building.

It wasn't until months later, after Columbia dealt with the issues underlying the protests–severing its involvement with a research institute that had ties to the Vietnam War and canceling the construction of a gym in a public park in Harlem–that the long healing process began.

Now, 56 years later, those wounds have reopened, and the administration is making the same mistakes. President Minouche Shafik is under a lot of pressure from politicians on both sides of the aisle as well as big donors, like Robert Kraft, to make the student encampments just go away. But trying to stifle protest only incites more protest. Pro-Palestinian actions have since broken out at dozens of other US campuses. Not all have led to arrests; at the University of California at Berkeley, a campus known for its fiery history of student activism, the administration has taken a more wait-and-see approach. As my successors at the Spectator wrote last week, taking Shafik to task for calling in the police: "Your administration has proven, not only to your students, but to the world, that Columbia hasn't learned from the past." —Robert Friedman, Bloomberg News

What's Next for TikTok in the US

Gianna Christine began her career as a social media influencer four years ago, after the professor in her college digital media class assigned students to post every day on the video streaming service TikTok. Since then, she's built an audience of 2.7 million fans on the app and earned a six-figure annual income, talking into her iPhone about everything from awkward encounters with neighbors in her New York City apartment building to the best post-clubbing late-night snacks.

Recently, though, Christine, like other TikTok stars, started to post more frequently on other services such as Instagram, Snapchat and YouTube. These efforts started in 2020, when then-President Donald Trump raised the prospect of banning TikTok, and intensified during the past few weeks as Congress suddenly advanced a bill that would remove TikTok from US app stores within nine months unless its Chinese parent sells it to an American company. The punishment would effectively kill the app by preventing distribution and even routine software updates. Christine, like many of her fellow TikTok users, views the law as the beginning of the end of TikTok in the US. "People are angry about it. We love the community," she says. "But there's acceptance, too. I don't want to lose my income if it gets taken down."

A ban of the immensely popular app has for years seemed like a long shot to overcome the effective lobbying and congressional dysfunction that have stifled nearly every other attempt to impose stricter regulations on tech companies. Then, improbably, the forces that govern the process of legislating in Washington suddenly aligned, and the provision was approved as part of an emergency bill authorizing tens of billions of dollars in aid to Ukraine, Israel and Taiwan. On April 24, President Joe Biden signed it.

Now what once seemed like an impossibility initiated by a handful of China hawks marches toward a congressionally imposed deadline. Read Brad Stone and Anna Edgerton on why the bill passed and whether China will retaliate: How the TikTok Law Could Intensify the US-China Tech Spat

An Unusual Tech Fortune

$1 billion
Alphabet CEO Sundar Pichai is on the cusp of achieving a rare milestone for a nonfounder tech executive: a 10-figure fortune. Since Pichai, 51, became CEO of Google in 2015, the stock has surged more than 400%.

Binance Behind Bars?

"Better to ask for forgiveness than permission" 
Changpeng "CZ" Zhao 
Binance founder and ex-CEO
The crypto billionaire is about to learn if he'll be the richest US inmate ever. But, with friends on the company's board, his ownership of the exchange intact and the mother of his children helping to run the show, his case is nothing like FTX's. Read the full story here.

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