Thursday, September 26, 2024

US recognizes true cost of nickel

Plus: KamalaHQ gains traction

Annie Lee follows up today on a story from the magazine's July issue about the dirty and deadly business of nickel mining in Indonesia, as the US comes to terms with the risks. Plus: Kamala Harris's meme campaign and why burgers are getting more expensive

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The US sounded an alarm this month over the use of forced labor in Indonesia in the production of nickel, a metal that's critical to many electric-vehicle batteries.

It's the first time the Department of Labor has added Indonesian nickel to its exploitation list, citing multiple NGO reports about workers being deceptively recruited, facing violent punishments and having their movement restricted. (The State Department had raised human trafficking concerns back in 2022.) Indonesia, home to the world's largest reserves of the raw material, has attracted billions of dollars in Chinese investment in mine development and the construction of processing plants.

The listing adds to the mounting concerns over the true price of the auto industry's green revolution. "Many workers receive a lower wage than promised along with longer work hours," the Labor Department report said. "Workers regularly have passports confiscated by employers and experience arbitrary deduction of wages, as well as physical and verbal violence as means of punishment."

Many workers are in industrial parks that are majority-owned by Chinese companies, according to the department, and there are indicators of forced labor, including "restriction of movement, isolation, constant surveillance, and forced overtime," it added. "All of which are reportedly common practices in the production of nickel" in Indonesia.

My colleague Matthew Campbell and I spent more than a year investigating the dark side of Indonesian nickel and tracking its route into electric cars. Our reporting found that the jobs in the country are also dangerous, with few safeguards for workers.

At a sprawling complex of factories and smelters on the island of Sulawesi, there's an extensive record of fatal accidents and ecological damage. Workers have been buried under slag, crushed by heavy equipment and killed in falls. Respiratory illnesses are a common complaint in the surrounding community. We documented the troubling ESG risks in our Businessweek feature.

The nickel smelting process at a foundry in Indonesia. Photographer: Bannu Mazandra/AFP

Indonesia, helped by the investments from Chinese companies, has transformed the global nickel supply in the past decade. The metal used in stainless steel and batteries has created fortunes in the Southeast Asian country—and tens of thousands of jobs—just as governments around the world are promoting EVs on environmental grounds.

Although the risks around Indonesian nickel aren't lost on the supply chain, what's less clear is how and whether the industry will take action on it. With its cheap workers and power, Indonesia offers a drastic cost advantage compared with other sources of nickel, such as Australia and Canada. That's especially important, now that the pace of demand for EVs has slowed, putting pressure on manufacturers to cut costs to stay profitable.

Tesla Inc. pointed out in its most recent impact report that the EV transition "will not be possible by only relying on non-Indonesian nickel." Quite so: Indonesia, accounting for roughly half of global production, has been squeezing out pricier competitors.

The Southeast Asian country has been seeking a critical minerals deal with Washington to ensure its nickel plays a role for American EV companies. The addition to the forced labor list could make that more challenging, but the world doesn't seem to have a lot of alternatives.

In Brief

'Kamala IS Brat' Was Just the Beginning 

Illustration: Pedro Nekoi for Bloomberg Businessweek

Joe Biden's reelection campaign had an ambitious plan to meme the 81-year-old into a second term as president. It hired a team of almost 200 digital staffers—a large number of whom were twentysomethings conversant in modern internet-speak—and operated a range of social media accounts, including a newly created one on TikTok. At the same time, it encouraged hundreds of online content creators to make their own election-related content, trusting they'd reach people the campaign would have trouble winning over itself.

Like the Biden campaign writ large, the plan didn't work. The president was proving unpopular even among Democrats before he dropped out of the race on July 21. But once Vice President Kamala Harris inherited the operation, the same strategy quickly started looking effective. The Biden campaign's 30-odd social media accounts were rebranded. Its rapid response TikTok account, now @KamalaHQ, demonstrated it knew what the internet was already talking about with its first post, a screenshot of the British pop star Charli XCX's tweet declaring "kamala IS brat." Within days, the number of followers doubled, surpassing 1 million. (It now has 4.5 million.) "We're down to sprint, babes," Lauren Kapp, the 25-year-old campaign staffer in charge of the account, said on her personal TikTok, @polisciprincess, the following weekend.

Short on time, Harris is facing a media landscape that's more complex and fragmented than ever. Tactics for digital campaigning are always changing, and this year candidates are navigating social media platforms that have tuned their algorithms to favor nonpolitical content. The extent to which successful digital campaigning translates into improved electoral outcomes is a matter of debate. Regardless, the Harris team is succeeding on its own terms. Digital campaign experts say things could hardly be going better.

Read Riley Griffin, Sarah Frier and Kurt Wagner on the posts sending Donald Trump "into tizzy fits" (in the words of one expert): How Harris' Campaign Finally Made Biden's Meme Strategy Work

One Driver of Fast-Food Sticker Shock

Illustration: Rui Pu for Bloomberg Businessweek

Italians have mozzarella, the French enjoy baguettes, Nigerians have jollof rice, and Americans have burgers and fries—and we like them cheap. Ever since the McDonald brothers first launched their vision of fast burgers at 15 cents a pop in 1948, inexpensive beef has become an American touchstone, practically a birthright along with voting and the high school prom.

These days, that's an entitlement drifting out of reach for many Americans. In the second quarter of 2024, the average price of a fast-food restaurant burger was $8.41, up 16% from five years ago, according to food consultant Technomic's Ignite Menu data. Even at McDonald's, the average price of a Big Mac (no fries, no drink, just the sandwich) in June was $5.29, a 21% increase from 2019. Burgers have gotten expensive enough that low-income consumers have been coming in less frequently, driving the chain's first sales drop in four years, it said in its last quarterly earnings.

The Golden Arches has responded with deals—a value meal here, a buy-one-get-one there—and it seems to be getting traction. Other fast-food chains have followed, too. But to think the value wars are a sign that cheap burgers are coming for all is to misread what's happening not to fast food, but to beef.

Deena Shanker in her Extra Salt column writes about how weather and market conditions combine to affect the cost of beef, bringing about: The End of the Cheap Burger

A Major Shift for an AI Leader

7%
That's the equity stake in OpenAI that the company is discussing giving CEO Sam Altman, as it considers restructuring to become a for-profit business.

Longing to Make History

"Whoever wins the election, wins the election. I would commit to leading the Republican Party to move past allegations of stolen elections."
Vivek Ramaswamy
The former presidential candidate and anti-"woke" warrior plots his next move, with or without Trump.

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